Vermonters have learned the hard way not to get their hopes up about spring. The season here is long and cruel. Any stretch of warm, sunny weather will not be followed by more of the same, as it might be in other parts of the country, places where spring means green grass, flowers and confidently putting away one’s winter clothes.
In Vermont, warm days in early spring are just a tease of what is still months away. Between winter and actual spring, some Vermonters have lightheartedly identified five mini-seasons — “fool’s spring,” so named because it is soon followed by “second winter,” then “spring of deception,” “third winter” and finally “mud season.”
Thus it has apparently always been. A letter printed in the Vermont Gazette in February 1791 — a month before the state joined the Union — complained about the coming months during which Vermonters could do little. “(W)e cannot perform journeys by reason of the depth of the mud, our fields are not arable, sled(d)ing is at an end, and our grain is threshed: in a word there seems to be an interregnum of all business,” lamented the writer, who signed the letter with the pen name “Clergyman.” (Pseudonyms were frequently used in newspapers of the period for a variety of reasons, including trying to keep the focus on a writer’s ideas rather than their identity.)
During this pause, no work could be done, “save that of making sugar.” The writer was referring to maple sugar, the granular sweetener produced by cooking down maple syrup. At the time, maple sugar was more popular than syrup because it was easier to store and had a longer shelf life.
Clergyman’s letter was an impassioned plea — supported by economic and ethical arguments — for Vermonters to take up sugar making on an industry scale. The letter was timely, arriving as it did at the start of a national movement to promote domestic sugar production in the United States, which helped produce a maple sugar bubble.
European settlers in the Northeast had learned how to sugar from the indigenous population, who for untold ages had been tapping maple trees and boiling down the sap to distill its sugary goodness. But when Clergyman wrote his letter, most Vermonters who made maple sugar only produced enough to meet their own families’ needs. It was a wasted opportunity, he argued. “It is evident, at this time especially, that peculiar exertions ought to be made for the furtherance of the sugar manufactory,” he wrote.
Most people bought their sugar from the Caribbean. But a variety of factors — hurricanes, earthquakes and uprisings by the enslaved people who made the sugar — had recently restricted the supply and caused the price to double.
Clergyman considered sugar making an act of patriotism, since it produced goods in America and kept money in the nation’s economy rather than sending it to one of the European countries operating sugar plantations in the Caribbean. “(T)he old proverb forever holds true that a penny saved is as good as a penny earnt,” he added.
Clergyman hated that friends would sometimes apologize for serving homemade maple sugar: “It gives me pain, it destroys all the pleasure of the visit, when I set down at the teatable of a friend to hear the too common complaint, Oh we are poor folks, we have nothing to give you but homemade sugar.” As if maple sugar were inferior to imported cane sugar.
Worse still was when a friend would serve him imported sugar with pride. “(I)t gives me still greater pain when I sit down to a friend’s table, furnished with loaf-sugar [as Caribbean sugar was called], which I have no reason to doubt was the purchase of a drained purse, perhaps of the last shilling.”
Clergymen proposed a radical shift in how Vermont farms operated each spring: “Now suppose every husbandman in this state, at this leisurely time, should exert himself with all his labourers equally the same as he does in haying and harvesting, what would be the event?”
Answering his own question, Clergyman wrote: “Why this state, at a moderate calculation, would be four thousand pounds richer this present season!” It would be “commendable” for farmers to “take time by the foretop” — i.e. hurry — and buy more equipment to make more sugar.
It would be better for farmers to work within the local economy rather than engage in more distant trade. “Would it not be more commendable than to send their grain after rum, sugar and foreign molasses, with many other frivolous articles, which are purchased only because they are foreign. It is a lamentable consideration, that so many of our good citizens have such an itching desire, such an insatiable thirst after foreign and imported goods.”
New York State had recently appointed a committee to “enquire into the manufactory from the juice of the maple tree,” he wrote. If New York could see the value of locally made sugar, Clergyman asked, “Shall we then who are citizens of Vermont, who live in the very bowels of that kind of sweetness, be inactive? Shall we resemble the fool who has a price put into his hands but no heart to improve it; let us rather… now, in the dead of winter, exert ourselves in preparing our sap and store troughs. In this manufactory we neither rob nor injure any man, we only take what bountiful nature liberally bestows.”
Only at the very end of his letter, once he had made his long and strenuous economic argument for maple sugaring, did Clergyman mention the ethical reason for doing so.
“Another consideration may be mentioned, viz. that by stopping the importation of sugar from the West (I)ndies, we shall diminish the plea of necessity for enslaving the natives of Africa; by which we shall gratify the feelings of benevolence, and render essential service to the cause of freedom,” he wrote.
This anti-slavery argument was the main motivation behind the national movement. Given his chosen pen name, this might also have been the principal reason for Clergyman to write his letter. He might have wanted to leave the ethical argument until after he had, hopefully, won readers over with his assertion that maple would benefit them and their state financially.
Sugar had recently become a political tool. Antislavery activists in England organized a boycott of Caribbean sugar in 1788 to drive down the cost of sugar, thereby making the slave trade less profitable.
Prominent Americans took up the cause, some noting that, unlike the British, their countrymen had a ready substitute for boycotted sugar. William Cooper, founder of Cooperstown, New York, and father of novelist James Fennimore Cooper, started a maple sugar business in 1789 and became a leading proponent of creating large-scale maple operations. That same year, Declaration of Independence signer Dr. Benjamin Rush founded the Society for Promoting the Manufacturer of Sugar from the Sugar Maple Tree. Rush extolled the virtues of maple sugar in a letter to Thomas Jefferson, then U.S. secretary of state, arguing that it would free the country from the need to import slave-produced sugar. Indeed, Rush wrote, the country might even create a maple sugar surplus to export. The anti-slavery argument resonated with Jefferson, although Jefferson’s deeds often fell short of his ideals: he himself continued to enslave hundreds on his Virginia properties.
Americans could soon even read about the moral virtue of maple trees and the sugar they yielded in a poem by diplomat David Humphreys, which included the lines: “Bleed on, blest tree! and as thy sweet blood runs,/ Bestow fond hope on Afric’s sable Sons.”
Four months after Clergyman’s letter appeared, two future presidents, Jefferson and then-Congressman James Madison, were visiting Vermont as part of a tour of New England and New York. At a dinner in Bennington, Jefferson spoke of the benefit that the new state’s abundant maple trees could bring to the young nation, freeing it from dependence on foreign sugar, then one of America’s largest imports.
News broke during Jefferson’s tour that a Dutch company had bought up land in Vermont to establish a major maple sugar operation. The scheme ultimately failed, however, apparently because Vermonters wanted to work for themselves, not a foreign company.
When he returned to Monticello, Jefferson had a grove of maple trees planted, not realizing that the Virginia climate was ill-suited for making maple sugar. He encouraged Americans to have their own maple groves to provide a ready supply of sugar.
That’s a sentiment that Clergyman would have shared. “For my single self,” he wrote in his letter to the Gazette, “I feel prouder to tell my friends, around my board, this is sugar of my own making, and with more pleasure I present them with the bowl thus filled, than with the most refined loaf-sugar.”
MARION — Former Marion Police Chief Gideon Cody probably committed a felony crime when he told a witness to delete text messages they exchanged before, during and after he led raids on a newspaper office and the publisher’s home, a district judge ruled Wednesday.
But Cody won’t be tried for the raids, which Marion County Record editor-publisher Eric Meyer says is the real crime.
A two-hour preliminary hearing revealed new details about the texts that Cody exchanged with Kari Newell, whose drunk driving record and request for a liquor license at her restaurant ignited an international drama two years ago. Newell took the stand and testified that Cody told her during a phone call to delete text messages between the two of them so that people wouldn’t get the wrong idea about whether they were romantically involved.
“Chief Cody had stated that he felt it would be in my best interest to delete those,” Newell said.
About six weeks after the raids, Newell texted Cody to say she was concerned about having deleted their earlier messages, she said. Cody replied that she was being paranoid.
Their exchange coincided with widespread scrutiny of the police raids in August 2023 of the newspaper office in flagrant disregard for the First Amendment and legal protections for journalists. Kansas Reflector first reported on the chilling raids.
Cody, working in coordination with the sheriff’s office, county attorney and Kansas Bureau of Investigation, had investigated whether Meyer and reporter Phyllis Zorn committed identity theft and other crimes by looking up Newell’s driving record in a public online database. A magistrate judge, ignoring the absence of evidence and state law, authorized the police raids of the newspaper office, Meyer’s home, and the home of city Councilwoman Ruth Herbel. Meyer’s 98-year-old mother died in distress a day later.
Police exceeded the scope of the search warrants by seizing reporters’ personal cellphones, work computers, and other equipment. Video showed Cody reviewing a reporter’s file on allegations that had been made against him.
At the KBI’s request, the Colorado Bureau of Investigation conducted a yearlong inquiry into whether Cody or anyone else had committed a crime. Special prosecutors Marc Bennett, of Sedgwick County, and Barry Wilkerson, of Riley County, cleared all law enforcement of any wrongdoing in carrying out the raids, which spawned five ongoing federal lawsuits.
However, CBI special agent John Zamora learned from talking to Newell that she had deleted text messages at his request, spanning a period of one week before to one week after the raids.
The prosecutors presented an exhibit at Wednesday’s preliminary hearing that totaled 31 pages of text messages, including one where Cody said he was working with a publisher to write a book about the experience.
Zamora testified that he interviewed Newell in person in December 2023.
“Just tell me what’s happening,” he recalled telling her. “What’s going on here?”
Newell told him she agreed to delete texts, at Cody’s request, because she was worried that her now ex-husband would accuse her of having an affair with Cody, Zamora said.
Wilkerson asked Zamora, who has 30 years of law enforcement experience, if he had ever directed a witness to delete messages or documents.
“No,” Zamora said.
After talking to Newell, Zamora said, he obtained the deleted text messages from Jennifer Hill, the attorney who is defending the city and county from federal lawsuits over the raid. Cody, who had given her his cellphone, had not deleted the text messages himself.
Cody’s attorney, Sal Intagliata, of Wichita, cross-examined Zamora about his investigation. According to Intagliata, the special agent told Hill that he was just trying to “check all the boxes.” Zamora said he didn’t remember making the comment.
When Newell took the stand, she said she has had no communication with Cody since leaving town amid the controversy two years ago.
Zorn and Meyer sat front and center in the courtroom, with Zorn tightlipped and taking notes and Meyer in an incredulous slouch, newspaper tucked in his pants pocket.
Cody, who now lives in Hawaii, appeared by Zoom. He sat expressionless with his chin on his hand for most of the hearing.
District Judge Ryan Rosauer rejected Intagliata’s argument that it was “a legal impossibility” to blame Cody for deleting texts that he ultimately turned over himself. The judge found probable cause that Cody had committed the low-level felony crime of interfering with the judicial process by inducing a witness to withhold information in a criminal investigation.
Cody entered a not guilty plea, and Rosauer scheduled a trial for February.
If convicted, because he has no criminal history, Cody’s sentence would be presumptive probation.
In an interview after the hearing, Meyer said he was worried about the “big picture.”
“None of this has anything to do with the crime,” Meyer said, referring to the raids on his newsroom and home.
“This is not even about the case,” Meyer said. “This is about what he did after the case.”
He also said he was concerned that Cody was being made a scapegoat for the raids, despite the widespread involvement of other people and law enforcement agencies.
“We still want some statement, an official judgment of the court, that this was wrong, so that no one can use this excuse anymore that, ‘Oh, we aren’t sure that it’s illegal to raid newsrooms, and because we’re not completely sure, we can still do it,’ which seems like a stupid excuse to me,” Meyer said.
The U.S. Supreme Court upheld an Oregon city law designed to address homeless encampments. Some see the ruling as a victory for local control, while others worry it will worsen the homelessness crisis in Washington. The ruling allows cities and counties to outlaw sleeping outdoors in public places, a decision that has ignited fears of increased homelessness.
Michele Thomas, director of policy advocacy for the Washington Low Income Housing Alliance, criticized the ruling. She argued that it allows for the punishment of individuals simply trying to survive without shelter. Thomas called on lawmakers in cities and counties not to arrest or punish homeless individuals or issue fines. She warned that this decision, along with potential cuts to homeless services, could lead to more people experiencing homelessness, which she described as devastating.
On the other hand, Camas City Councilmember Leslie Lewallen praised the ruling as a win for local control. Lewallen, a Republican candidate in the 3rd Congressional District, emphasized that local governments need the authority to help homeless individuals. She pointed out that people in southwest Washington work closely with the homeless community and understand that there is no one-size-fits-all solution.
Local and state governments view the ability to limit outdoor sleeping as one tool to address the increase in unsheltered individuals. The 2018 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruling in Martin v. City of Boise set the precedent that local governments could not punish individuals for camping if no emergency shelter beds were available. However, if a person was offered shelter and refused it, they could be cited or arrested. The recent Supreme Court decision in Grants Pass v. Johnson challenged an Oregon city's law that barred sleeping in public places due to a lack of available shelter capacity.
In response to the Martin decision, several Washington cities created ordinances requiring homeless individuals to accept housing, even if it was far away, to avoid punishment. These ordinances were put on hold pending the outcome of the Grants Pass case. Rep. Strom Peterson, D-Edmonds, chair of the House Housing Committee, expressed disappointment with the ruling, stating that arresting someone trying to survive is contrary to effective solutions for homelessness. He believes the decision will exacerbate the problem.
Sen. Patty Kuderer, D-Bellevue, who leads the Senate Housing Committee, also criticized the ruling, saying it pulls efforts backward rather than helping move forward. Kuderer highlighted the importance of balancing the needs of local governments with the dignity of the homeless, referencing a dissent by Justice Sonia Sotomayor. Both Peterson and Kuderer emphasized that addressing homelessness requires controlling rent costs, increasing affordable housing, and boosting funding for support services. They plan to revive legislation for a cap on rent increases and a new graduated real estate excise tax in the 2025 state legislative session.
Rep. Andrew Barkis, R-Olympia, a member of the Housing Committee, supported the ruling, stating that it gives cities the necessary tools to address the crisis. Barkis argued that the Martin decision limited cities' abilities to respond to new encampments effectively. He believes that instead of pouring more money into homeless programs or imposing rent caps, the focus should be on enhancing detox programs and mental health services, which many homeless individuals need.
State lawmakers have directed approximately $5 billion to expand housing and prevent homelessness since 2013, with over $4 billion allocated in the past two state budgets. Despite these efforts, Sen. Kuderer noted that people are falling into homelessness faster than they can be helped out of it. She believes the problem is solvable but that the recent Supreme Court decision does not contribute to solving it.
The Supreme Court's decision has sparked a debate on the best approach to address homelessness. While some see the ruling as empowering local governments to manage the issue, others fear it will criminalize homelessness and fail to address the root causes. The discussion highlights the complexities of balancing public order with compassion and support for the most vulnerable members of society. As cities and counties consider how to implement these new powers, the impact on homeless individuals remains uncertain. The ruling presents an opportunity for local governments to explore various strategies, but it also underscores the need for comprehensive solutions that address the underlying issues of homelessness.
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In late May, Mark Wendell walked through Loch Haven Park in Orlando, Florida, encountering People Power for Florida's voter registration booth. Wendell, having recently moved to Florida, registered to vote with the help of Roxanne Perret, an organizer at the booth. Perret informed him of the new legal requirements: delivering the form to the county supervisor within ten days and providing an official receipt with her group's state registration number. Failure to comply could result in significant fines under a law passed last year.
Over the past four years, states like Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Kansas, Missouri, Montana, and Texas have implemented stringent voter registration laws. These laws aim to prevent fraud but have sparked debate, with some arguing they suppress voter participation, particularly among likely Democratic voters.
Jonathan Diaz, from the Campaign Legal Center, highlights the impact on organizations and voters, noting these measures seem to target the heightened registration efforts seen during the COVID-19 pandemic, which led to high voter turnout. Historically, third-party voter registration groups have played a crucial role in American democracy, dating back to the women's suffrage movement and the Civil Rights Movement.
In Florida, over 350 groups have registered as third-party voter registration organizations. However, many groups focusing on young or marginalized communities have had to adjust their operations or cease registration drives due to the new laws. Barbara Casanova's group, Citizens First, has adapted despite the challenges, reflecting her belief in civic duty.
Under Florida's law, groups employing noncitizen volunteers face fines of $50,000 per volunteer. They are also barred from using volunteers with certain felony convictions and must submit voter registration applications promptly to avoid fines that could total up to $250,000 annually. Additionally, retaining registrants' personal information for future use is now a felony.
A federal judge recently ruled against the ban on noncitizen voter registration workers, deeming it discriminatory against Latino outreach. However, groups still face immense pressure. Democratic state Rep. Anna V. Eskamani, founder of People Power for Florida, reported fines for missed deadlines and incorrect county filings, adding financial strain to her organization.
The League of Women Voters of Florida, to avoid liability, has shifted from using paper applications to encouraging voters to register online using QR codes. Despite these adaptations, the financial burden remains significant, with new caps on fines threatening the viability of many organizations.
Jamil Davis of Black Voters Matter notes that for 70% of the small organizations his group supports, the new law has led to the cessation of voter registration drives. A 2021 report by University of Florida's Daniel Smith indicated that Black and Latino Floridians are disproportionately likely to register through third-party groups, highlighting the potential impact of these laws on minority voters.
Republican lawmakers defend these measures as necessary for voter protection. State Sen. Danny Burgess and Secretary of State Cord Byrd cite issues like altered registration forms and forged application dates as justification. Recent fines and criminal charges against Hard Knocks Strategies for violations underscore their commitment to enforcement.
In Alabama, similar restrictions include penalties for assisting voters with absentee ballot applications. Missouri's legislation faces legal challenges, with parts of the law on hold pending a trial. These state-level efforts reflect broader Republican concerns about voter fraud.
At Orlando's Loch Haven Park, People Power for Florida continues its registration efforts despite the challenges. Volunteers engage festival attendees, ensuring their voter information is up-to-date and assisting with registration. The new legal landscape has made volunteer recruitment and training more complex, adding to the operational burdens faced by civic groups.
The evolving voter registration laws highlight a contentious intersection of election integrity and voter accessibility. As these laws take effect, their impact on voter participation and civic engagement remains a critical issue for American democracy.
Grand Marais, a quiet town on Lake Superior’s North Shore, is home to around 1,300 residents. Known for its serene beauty and artistic community, it attracts many tourists during the summer. However, the town’s peaceful exterior was shattered by a shocking crime in March 2023, which has since divided the community.
On March 8, 2023, a violent altercation occurred between Larry Scully, a 77-year-old resident, and Levi Axtell, a young father. Scully, known in the town for his eccentric behavior and conspiracy theories, had a past conviction for sexually assaulting a child in 1979. Despite this, he lived relatively unbothered in his cluttered house.
Axtell, a 26-year-old man with a history of substance abuse and mental health issues, became increasingly paranoid about Scully, believing him to be a threat to his daughter. This paranoia culminated in a brutal attack where Axtell killed Scully with a shovel and a moose antler.
The murder sent shockwaves through Grand Marais. Many residents had mixed feelings about Scully. While some saw him as a harmless eccentric, others believed he was a danger, particularly to children. Axtell’s actions, though violent and extreme, were viewed by some as a misguided attempt to protect his daughter.
In the aftermath, the town was split. A faction of the community viewed Axtell as a hero who had rid the town of a predator. Another group condemned the act of vigilante justice, arguing that it was not Axtell’s place to take the law into his own hands.
Axtell was arrested and charged with second-degree murder. During his arraignment, it was revealed that he had been struggling with severe mental health issues. A court-appointed psychologist determined that he was not competent to stand trial due to hallucinations, delusions, and paranoia.
Axtell was committed to a secure psychiatric facility for treatment. His case highlighted the failures of the legal and mental health systems in providing adequate support and intervention, both for him and for Scully, who had been struggling with his own mental health issues.
The town of Grand Marais continues to grapple with the implications of this tragic event. The divisions it has caused reflect deeper issues within the community and beyond. Questions about the adequacy of mental health support, the effectiveness of the legal system in protecting vulnerable individuals, and the role of community in ensuring safety remain unresolved.
While some residents continue to view Axtell’s actions as justifiable, others call for a more measured and lawful approach to dealing with perceived threats. The case serves as a stark reminder of the potential consequences when individuals take the law into their own hands, and the importance of addressing mental health issues proactively.
The murder of Larry Scully by Levi Axtell is a tragic event that has left an indelible mark on Grand Marais. It underscores the complexity of human behavior and the dire consequences that can result from a lack of proper support systems. As the town moves forward, it faces the challenge of healing its divisions and finding ways to better protect and support all its residents.
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A conflict between tech billionaire Matthew Prince and his neighbors in Park City, Utah, has sparked controversy over his plans to build an 11,000-square-foot mansion. Prince, the CEO of Cloudflare Inc., has been accused of trying to steamroll his way into building a sprawling home that would eclipse surrounding residences and challenge local height and size limits.
Prince's troubles began when he purchased a property on 220 King Road in late 2020 and proposed building a larger, taller home, pool, and "accessory" buildings. Despite city officials clearing his plans, a group of locals led by Eric and Susan Hermann have appealed, citing violations of local ordinances. Neighbors have accused Prince of being a bully who turns petty when he doesn't get his way.
They point to his failed effort to pass a state bill allowing him to build his mansion with little local input and his attempts to rally support from neighbors with undisclosed connections to him. Additionally, Prince has filed complaints against the Hermanns' two Bernese Mountain dogs and sued them over a rock wall between their properties.
Prince's ownership of the local newspaper, the Park Record, has raised concerns about conflict of interest. The paper has published several stories about Prince's plans, including some with a positive tone. Editor Don Rogers, who is living rent-free in one of Prince's properties, denies any conflict of interest.
The dispute has sparked a strong reaction from the community, with "Save Sasha and Mocha" stickers being distributed around town in support of the Hermanns' dogs. Residents have also flocked to social media to express their support for the Hermanns and criticize Prince's actions.
Prince's conflict with his neighbors is not an isolated incident. Other tech billionaires, such as Salesforce Inc.'s Marc Benioff and Oracle Corp.'s Larry Ellison, have faced similar disputes over their land purchases and development plans in Hawaii. The appeal of Prince's project is set to be reviewed on April 30, and the outcome remains uncertain. One thing is clear, however: the dispute has highlighted the tensions between wealthy individuals and local communities, and the need for transparency and accountability in development projects.
The situation has also raised questions about the influence of money and power in local politics. Prince's wealth and connections have given him a significant advantage in the dispute, and some residents fear that his influence may sway the outcome of the appeal. "It's David versus Goliath," said one resident, who wished to remain anonymous. "Prince has all the resources and connections, and it's hard to see how the Hermanns can compete with that."
The dispute has also highlighted the need for better planning and development regulations in Park City. The city's rapid growth and influx of wealthy residents have put pressure on local infrastructure and services, and some residents feel that the city is not doing enough to manage the growth and protect the community's character. "We need to make sure that development is sustainable and responsible," said another resident. "We can't just let wealthy individuals build whatever they want, without regard for the community."
As the appeal of Prince's project approaches, the community remains divided. Some residents support Prince's plans, seeing them as a sign of progress and investment in the community. Others are fiercely opposed, citing concerns about the impact on the community and the environment. One thing is certain, however: the outcome of the appeal will have significant implications for the future of Park City, and the community is eagerly awaiting the decision.
In the meantime, the dispute has sparked a wider conversation about the role of wealth and power in local politics, and the need for transparency and accountability in development projects. It has also highlighted the importance of community engagement and participation in the planning process, and the need for residents to make their voices heard. As one resident said, "This dispute is not just about Prince's mansion – it's about the future of our community."
Rolling Fork, Mississippi, was forever changed when a deadly tornado tore through the town, leaving a path of destruction and tragedy in its wake. For the Cartlidge family, the storm was a harrowing experience that shattered their home and nearly took their lives.
Ida Cartlidge, holding her 1-year-old son, Nolan, tightly in her arms, huddled with her family as the tornado ripped through their mobile home. In an instant, their home was gone, and the family was left injured and displaced.
The tornado, which struck last March, claimed the lives of 14 residents and left Rolling Fork in ruins. The town, already grappling with high poverty rates and economic challenges, faced a long and difficult road to recovery.
For the Cartlidge family, the months that followed were spent in a cramped motel room, as they searched for a new place to call home. With limited resources and few options, they, like many others in Rolling Fork, struggled to find stable housing and employment.
The tornado not only destroyed homes and businesses but also took a toll on the town's infrastructure. Public buildings were damaged, streets were left impassable, and the local high school remains closed, forcing students to travel to neighboring towns for classes.
Despite the challenges, the people of Rolling Fork have shown remarkable resilience. Nonprofits, the state, and the federal government have stepped in to provide assistance, offering hope to those struggling to rebuild their lives.
For the Cartlidge family, a new beginning came in the form of a renovated trailer near downtown Rolling Fork. As they settled into their new home, they reflected on the journey that brought them here and the challenges that lie ahead.
Rolling Fork may never be the same after the tornado, but its residents are determined to rebuild and create a better future for themselves and their community. The road ahead may be long, but with perseverance and unity, Rolling Fork will rise again.
Endowment funds, common in private colleges and schools, are now making their way into the public school system. Entrepreneurs Michael Bor and Chris Bossola have launched The Endowment Project, aiming to create a $65 million endowment for every public high school in the U.S.
Starting with a pilot program in Richmond, Virginia, The Endowment Project has already seen success. Douglas S. Freeman High School raised nearly $100,000, funding scholarships, facility upgrades, and innovative learning spaces.
Inspired by rare success stories like Boston Latin School's $75 million endowment, The Endowment Project seeks to engage alumni and philanthropists to support public education. The project's infrastructure allows schools to easily set up funds, engage donors, and manage contributions transparently.
While traditional educational foundations focus on broader programs, The Endowment Project aims to supplement these efforts by targeting individual schools. It has already gained traction in Richmond, with plans to expand across Virginia and eventually nationwide.
The project's success hinges on its ability to engage alumni and philanthropists effectively. By leveraging technology and focusing on individual schools, The Endowment Project hopes to create sustainable funding streams that benefit public high schools across the country.
The Endowment Project: A Novel Approach to Public School Funding
The Endowment Project is a purpose-driven for-profit education technology company. It is building the philanthropic infrastructure for public schools, aiming to ensure that public high school students, faculty, and staff have a more robust high school experience.
Public and private colleges, universities, and private high schools have dedicated alumni development organizations that nurture strong community and allegiance and then harvest donations from these communities that further the school's mission. Public high schools do not have this. The Endowment Project is bridging this gap by building the infrastructure to enable public high schools to create strong and loyal communities and steward the generosity of those communities.
How The Endowment Project Works
The Endowment Project is a technology- and human resource-enabled platform designed to help public high schools build communities from which capital is raised, managed, and deployed to enhance the educational experience for millions of students, faculty, and staff at public high schools across the U.S.
The project uses its proprietary technology and human-capital-driven processes combined with best-in-class alumni development strategies to build philanthropic infrastructure, establish and build strong and loyal school communities, raise capital from those communities, and appropriately manage the raised assets to benefit the students, teachers, and administrators of U.S. public high schools.
Partnerships and Fundraising
The Endowment Project partners with existing education foundations to serve as their development and administrative back-office function. It creates a database of donors, expands the school community, and provides fundraising services for each of its partner foundations. The project also pools and manages the capital from each foundation, with the advantage of scale leading to higher returns.
The company also manages grant requests, funding, and reporting, ensuring that the raised funds are used effectively to benefit public high schools. It has launched several fundraising programs for local high schools as a proof-of-concept, with plans to expand its efforts nationwide.
Impact and Future Plans
The Endowment Project estimates that 200 million people in the United States went to public high schools, and the country has 25,000 such high schools. Its goal is to create greater equality in the education experience between public and private high schools by providing public high schools with the same opportunities for fundraising and community engagement.
As it rolls out its fundraising programs and expands its reach, The Endowment Project aims to change the face of public education in America, ensuring that all public high school students have access to a more robust and enriched educational experience.
The Baltimore Board of Estimates approved a program to sell city-owned vacant homes for $1. The decision was made despite objections from City Council President Nick Mosby, who expressed deep concern about the policy. The new pricing structure, approved by a 4-1 vote, will apply to a small group of city-owned homes listed on the Buy Into Bmore website, with rates starting at $1. Mosby, a Democrat, voted against the item, noting that he had proposed a similar program in 2021, which stalled in committee in 2022.
Mosby had previously pushed for a deferral of the new policy, arguing that Mayor Brandon Scott’s administration had not provided sufficient written guidelines to ensure that city residents are given first rights to buy properties and are not displaced when neighborhoods improve. He emphasized the importance of ensuring that sales fit into a broader approach to development that addresses vacancy for entire areas, rather than individual properties.
City housing officials, however, have insisted that guardrails are in place to protect residents. These include a 90-day window during which city residents will have priority to buy properties for renovation and use as their primary residence. The Department of Housing and Community Development also plans to offer a form for residents to indicate interest in buying any vacant property, whether city-owned or otherwise.
Alice Kennedy, the city’s housing commissioner, explained that the pricing policy is part of the city’s property disposition strategy and that there are other programs to help residents and developers financially when they buy properties to rehab.
The $1 price point will be available only for individual buyers and community land trusts. Developers will have to pay $3,000, as will large nonprofits with 51 or more employees, while nonprofits with fewer employees could pay $1,000. The policy also covers vacant lots, which will range in price from $1 to $1,000, based on a similar structure.
The new pricing structure will apply to vacant homes and lots in city neighborhoods with the most stressed housing markets, primarily in East and West Baltimore. However, it will apply to very few of the city's total vacant properties, as fewer than 1,000 of the city's total vacant properties are city-owned, and not all of those are listed on the Buy Into Bmore website.
The program is reminiscent of the city’s “dollar house” program of the 1970s, which offered homes for $1 to residents willing to fix them up and live in them. However, unlike the previous program, the current approach does not include low-interest rate renovation loans for buyers.
The pricing policy is part of a larger plan to address the thousands of vacant homes and lots in the city. Last year, Mayor Scott unveiled a $3 billion plan that calls for a mix of public and private funding to be spent over 15 years to address 35,000 homes, including down payment and closing cost assistance.
Nneka N’namdi, a Baltimore housing advocate, expressed support for the fixed pricing policy but emphasized the need for conditions that prioritize existing residents and prevent slumlords and land speculators from participating. She also stressed the importance of offering financial assistance to buyers to help them rehabilitate properties.
In response, Mayor Scott committed to developing an anti-displacement and equity policy and creating a public-facing tracking tool for “whole block” development. He also pledged quarterly reports to the city council on the demographics of buyers and an annual review of the program’s effectiveness.
Mosby, however, argued that N’namdi’s demands were not being met by the city’s current policies governing the $1 sales, emphasizing the need to ensure that the policy is in place to protect residents.
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In recent years, Frankfort Avenue in Louisville has seen a surge in Korean-owned businesses, sparking discussions about the possibility of it becoming a Koreatown. This area, particularly in the Clifton and Crescent Hill neighborhoods, has seen a blossoming of Korean food and culture, thanks in part to new residents and the success of establishments like Chef Edward Lee's Korean Steakhouse Nami.
Miki's Karaoke Bar & Korean Restaurant, opened by Miki Miller in 2023, offers karaoke and Korean cuisine. Miller, who moved to Louisville over 30 years ago, saw an opportunity to create a space for both fun and affordable dining, filling a gap in the neighborhood's offerings.
Similarly, Soo Young Cho, who lived in Seoul for nearly 30 years, opened KIWA in December 2023. Cho, with a background in architecture and a brief foray into real estate, found her passion in culinary arts. KIWA aims to showcase the nuanced diversity of Korean cuisine and culture, offering not just food but also art and craft workshops.
CM Chicken, a franchise established in South Korea, is another addition to Frankfort Avenue. Founded by husband and wife Viet Tran and Soyoung Chon, along with Tran's childhood friend San Luu and brother-in-law Quyen Pham, CM Chicken brings authentic Korean street food to Louisville, including Korean fried chicken, tteokbokki, and patbingsu.
Beyond Frankfort Avenue, Korean food has made a mark in Louisville, with establishments like Nami in Nulu and Top 1 Korean BBQ and Hotpot in the Highlands gaining popularity. Residents, including Marlie, a student at the Korean School of Louisville, have welcomed these new additions, appreciating the diverse culinary experiences they offer.
The growth of Korean businesses along Frankfort Avenue has not only enriched the neighborhood's culinary scene but also fostered a sense of community and cultural exchange. Whether it's through food, karaoke, or art, the Korean corridor is bringing a taste of Korea to Louisville, creating a vibrant and inclusive environment for all to enjoy.
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